The African Cattle Cult: Buried Six Feet Under

Why did the ‘cattle cult’ appear in Saharan Africa between 6.4 kyr and 6.1 kyr ago and not at any other period during the Holocene? Well, considering previous posts, cattle were first domesticated around 9kyr, which coincides with the African warm period of 10kyr to 7kyr ( ). This would indicate that the arid climatic environment in question was the first time in which humans and cattle were closely connected in the form of domesticated food and status (previous blogs references). As a response to a lack of water, a lack of food, a lack of lush environment, people turned towards a shamanistic society whereby sacrifices of great worth were offered for the chance of rain (diLerna2006). This in turn would result in an increased social complexity of not only behaviour, but structure with the inclusion and status of a ‘witch doctor’ or ‘rituralist’, as proposed by Coombsand Barber (2005). 

De Brajin and Van Dijik (2003, p285) stated that, “mobility has always been the prime strategy of Sahelian populations for dealing with vagaries of climate and poverty”, which begs the question, why slaughter your livestock when you can migrate to an area which has more natural resources and moisture? An answer to this could be that the rapid initiation and grip of the arid period meant that natural ecological corridors became closed or intensely fragmented, resulting in populations becoming isolated or restricting their movements (diLernia 2006). Without being able to mitigate through migration, the populous adapted socially to contend and come to grips with the harsh conditions.

A transition can be identified within the burial sites, with cases of prominent social members being buried beside sacrificed cattle (diLernia 2006). This relates back to the iconography of cattle prior to the cult, whereby they stood as a symbol of power and status (Applegate et al2001). In this case, the burial with cows, in a tomb signifies the importance of the individual in death and the impact they must have had on the society (diLernia 2006). What is most interesting is that some later burial sites do not contain cattle but in fact only contain humans. There is no evidence to say they were sacrificed, so it is concluded that they were once more high social standing citizens.

So, the progression of arid conditions led to the sacrifice and burial of cattle which eventually progressed into the burial of important individuals in tombs as a status of power, wealth and or standing. This here, is a prime example of how a changing climate can affect how society behaves. Okay it’s not a full blown civilization, but the merits of the argument are still present. Adverse conditions changed how people perceived the world and acted, it led them to try and cope by any means possible to ensure that the populous survived. Which eventually evolved into a practice we see today commonly all over the world. No I am not saying burials began with the cattle cult, but the parallels are there. Maybe there should be more research into this area, who knows. But all I can say is that climate, seems to be the main driver in this social example.

The African Cattle Cult: Life, Status and Rituals

Wall engravings showing a cattle on its back being sacrificed,
these engravings were on walls all around the Messak Plateau
Source: diLerna (2006)

Domestication of cattle was a very important milestone in the development of Saharan populations, most likely due to the increased mobility and stability of energy income, to cope with climatic change through out the course of the Holocene. This resulted in cattle becoming a symbol of status and power throughout the early Holocene, especially as a tool to broker alliances and maintain relations between different social groups (Holl 1989). Though this reverence for cattle eventually involved in the creation of the so called ‘cattle cult’ between 6.4 and 6.1kyra, which involved the ritualistic offering and sacrifice of cattle (Applegate et al 2001). 

Sketch of Stone Tumuli with adult cattle
bones underneath it from the Messak
Setta Fet, Libya
Source: DiLernia (2006)

Evidence for this ritualistic activity came from the discovery and excavation of monuments known as tumuli which included the remains of cattle. These ‘burial sites’ always consisted of the cattle being laid on its left side facing towards east, surrounded by a C shape of dust and gravel (Applegate et al 2001).  Furthermore these sites consisted of stone alters and hearths which, when examined, included the charred remains of native cattle dating back to between 6.4 to 6.1 kyra (diLerna 2006).  One could put this down to a single group acting by itself, though that is not the case as diLerna (2006) documented several of these sites across the Sahara, ranging from Egypt to Niger, with some sites being 3000km apart! So obviously, this was a widely adopted practice. 

Diagram of cattle found within burial sites in Libya,
showing how it is typically buried.
Source: (diLernia 2006)

So the question to ask is why? Why is there this sudden and dramatic shift from the power and status associated with the domestication and ownership of cattle to the ritualistic slaughter and the migration of this social experience?  Wendorf and Schild(2003) argue that the growth of social conditions and technology within the Sahara occurred in humid conditions during the Holocene, and that the concept of aridity being the main driver described as “lacking or controversial”.  I don’t contest the idea of humid periods within the Sahara, with evidence documenting prolong periods between 10kyr to 7 kyr. Though in the grand scheme of things these conditions do not seem to coincide with the behaviour exhibited (Nicoll 2004). In fact academics, especially round the idea of the cattle cult, propose a more likely theory, that the ritualistic behaviour was in fact a coping mechanism resulting from the deteriorating climate at the end of the African Humid period (Applegate et al 2001, diLernia2006).

The Birth of Agriculture: Migrating for the world

Graphs showing the likelihood
of agriculture originating in
that region. Demonstrating
demic migration of agriculture
practices.
Source: Pinhasi et al 2005

As I eluded to in my previous blog, agriculture didn’t originate in one single place, but actually in several different areas, mainly though the Eastern Sahara, Southwest China and most importantly the Near East. So, how did agriculture spread?

Within the literature there has been two theories proposed called, cultural and demic diffusion, where the former relates to the movement of agricultural tools and ideas, whereas the latter relates to the movement of farmers from these sites of origins (Cavalli –Sforza 1996). Methods such as gene frequency and language have been used to try and model the dispersion of agriculture, with a focus on SE Asia and the Near East (Cavalli-Sforza 1996; Renfrew 1996). Pinhasi et al(2005) shows that 20% of the European gene pool is shared with Near East, with that value reducing as one reaches North West Europe. This seems to indicate an initial migration of farmers from the Near East across environmental corridors at a speed of roughly 0.6-1.3km/y, all of which is consistent with a demic diffusion of agriculture (Pinhasi et al 2005). 

This is reflected in Southwest Asia by Renfew (1996) which also showed a strong genetic cline originating out from the ‘nucleus of origin’. Not only that, but he also noted the movement of languages across Europe and Asia, of which seems to show similarities to that of the ‘nucleus’. Both of these conclusions line up with the diagram constructed Bar-Yousef (1998) which depicts the movement and time frame of agriculture during the Holocene. All of this evidence seems to solely point towards demic diffusion.

A Map showing the 'nucleus origin' and expansion routes of agriculture
Source: Bar-Yousef (1998)

Though this might not occur unless the conditions are favourable to allow migration, which usually involves the saturation of the existing population and the suitability of the dispersion destination, which is often controlled by the society itself and the local environment  (Renfrew 1996). A nice example regards cattle in the Eastern Sahara, although this is the nucleus of cattle domestication (9.5 kyra), they weren’t shown in the Nile Valley record until the introduction of Near Eastern Cattle around 5.9 kyra (Garcea 2004). Why might this have been the case? The technology was already there, though the climate didn’t facilitate a safe dispersion until a more humid climate occurred, providing a corridor to cross the desert (Garcea 2004). 

Rock Wall Art from the Sahara showing the domestic use of cattle
Source: Garcea 2004

So not only has climate been designated as a leading factor in the birth of agriculture in the ‘nucleases of origin’, but it has also been shown to be an important factor in allowing the farmers migrate to new areas and societies which allowed the spread of agriculture. On top of all that, climate has been shown to be a powerful agent in shaping and pushing settlements into complex societies through mediums like agriculture and harsh environmental conditions. So now it is time to start showing you some examples of how climate affected the birth, fall and cultures of some civilizations.